according to the ted talk on curitiba by jaime lerner, what is true about curitiba?
Recycle Metropolis
The Route to Curitiba
On Sat mornings, children assemble to paint and draw in the master downtown shopping street of Curitiba, in southern Brazil. More than just a mannerly tradition, the child'south play commemorates a key victory in a hard-fought, ongoing war. Back in 1972, the new mayor of the metropolis, an architect and urban planner named Jaime Lerner, ordered a lightning transformation of six blocks of the street into a pedestrian zone. The alter was recommended in a chief plan for the city that was approved half dozen years before, but fierce objections from the downtown merchants blocked its implementation. Lerner instructed his secretary of public works to establish the change quickly and asked how long it would take. "He said he needed 4 months," Lerner recalled recently. "I said, 'Forty-eight hours.' He said, 'You lot're crazy.' I said, 'Yeah, I'yard crazy, merely do it in 48 hours.' " The municipal authorities were able to attain it in three days, beginning on a Friday night and installing paving, lighting, planters and article of furniture past the terminate of the day on Mon. "Beingness a very weak mayor, if I kickoff to practice information technology and take too long, anybody could stop it through a juridical demand," Lerner went on to explain. "If they stop the piece of work, it's finished. I had to do it very fast, at least in part. Because we had discussed it a great bargain. Sometimes they have to take a demonstration outcome."
The demonstration worked. Within days, impressed by the increment in their business, the once-recalcitrant shop owners were demanding an extension of the traffic-free district. Some diehard motorists, however, sulked. Lerner heard that a group of them were planning to disregard the prohibition and drive their cars into the street on a Sabbatum morning. So he contrived an unbreachable defense. With the cooperation of the city's teachers and a donation of rolls of newsprint and boxes of pigment, on that forenoon he assembled several hundred children in the street, where they sat and drew pictures. "Information technology was to say, 'This is being washed for children and their parents — don't fifty-fifty think of putting cars there,' " he told me. The sputtered-out protestation was the terminal resistance to the pedestrianization of the shopping area, which has since expanded from the original 6 blocks to encompass virtually fifteen today. "Of course, this was very allegorical," Lerner recounted. "We were trying to say, 'This city is non for cars.' When many mayors at the fourth dimension were planning for individual cars, we were countervailing." He observed that it was emblematic in some other way too: "From that point, they said, 'If he could practice this in 72 hours, he can do anything.' It was a skillful strategy."
An opening salvo, the creation of the pedestrian zone inaugurated a series of programs by Lerner and his colleagues that made Curitiba a famous model of late-20th-century urban planning. In the early on 1970s, when Brazil was welcoming any manufacture, no affair how toxic its byproducts, Curitiba decided to admit only nonpolluters; to arrange them, information technology synthetic an industrial district that reserved so much land for green space that information technology was derided as a "golf course" until it succeeded in filling upward with major businesses while its counterparts in other Latin American cities were flagging. Through the cosmos of two dozen recreational parks, many with lakes to catch runoff in low-lying areas that flood periodically, Curitiba managed, at a time of explosive population growth, to increase its green areas from 5 square anxiety per inhabitant to an phenomenal 560 square anxiety. The city promoted "dark-green" policies earlier they were fashionable and chosen itself "the ecological capital of Brazil" in the 1980s, when at that place were no rivals for such a title. Today, Curitiba remains a pilgrimage destination for urbanists fascinated by its passenger vehicle system, garbage-recycling programme and network of parks. It is the reply to what might otherwise be a hypothetical question: How would cities look if urban planners, not politicians, took control?
Although the children who paint on Saturday mornings are no longer needed to protect the downtown shopping street from cars, the battle to keep Curitiba green is never-ending. Indeed, some say it is going desperately these days. The rivers, one time crystalline, reek of untreated sewage. The passenger vehicle system that has won admirers throughout the world appears to be nearing capacity; what'south more, Curitiba, by some measures, has a higher per capita ownership of individual cars than any urban center in Brazil — even exceeding BrasÃlia, a urban center that was designed for cars. Curitiba's garbage-recycling rate has been declining over the last six or vii years, and the just landfill in the municipal region will be total by the cease of 2008. Jorge Wilheim, the São Paulo architect who drafted Curitiba's master programme in 1965, says: "When we fabricated the program, the population was 350,000. We idea in a few years information technology would reach 500,000. But information technology has grown much bigger." The municipality of Curitiba today has 1.8 1000000 people, and the population of the metropolitan region is 3.2 million. "I know the program of Curitiba is very famous, and I am the first to savour information technology, merely that was in '65," Wilheim continues. "The metropolitan region must have a new vision."
Information technology is often said of Curitiba that it doesn't feel like Brazil. Depending on who'south speaking, that can exist intended as a compliment or a criticism. Populated by European immigrants in the 19th century, Curitiba has a demographic makeup that is largely more than off-white-skinned and well educated than that of Brazil'due south tropical northward. It is besides unusually flush. Unlike São Paulo, with its startling extremes of wealth and poverty, much of Curitiba to an American eye looks familiarly middle form. Even the scruffy used-car lots accept a seediness reminiscent of Los Angeles, not the Rio de Janeiro of "City of God." The city, particularly the large downtown, is very clean, cheers to municipal sanitation trucks and the freelance carrinheiros, or cart people, who pick up trash to sell at recycling centers.
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During my visit to Curitiba in March, the urban center was the host of an international biodiversity conference. While I hadn't known of it when I scheduled my trip, the coincidence was about equally remarkable equally finding a design show to greet yous in Milan or a wine festival under way in Bordeaux. Environmentalism is the centre of Curitiba's self-identity, and the municipal government is always devising new schemes that showcase the brand. The rest of the world has defenseless on, if not yet caught up. Ecological awareness is architecturally trendy. This yr'due south winner of the prestigious Pritzker Prize is Richard Rogers, a longtime proponent of mass transit, lower energy consumption and ecologically sensitive buildings. Commercially, existent-manor developers from Beijing to Santa Monica are brandishing their LEED certificates (Leadership in Energy and Ecology Design) every bit they market condominiums and role suites to green-minded consumers. While it is unusually aggressive, the 25-year plan that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg proposed final month for New York is part of an international wave of recognition that cities must live more responsibly, especially when information technology comes to their effusions of climate-warming gases and their excretions of mountains of solid waste. Bloomberg's most contentious thought — a "congestion tax" on cars entering traffic-chock-full districts during peak hours — has been working for more 4 years in London (and more than than xxx years in Singapore) to increase the numbers of people using public transportation. Interestingly, Curitiba adopted an contrary approach, brandishing a carrot instead of a stick. The city planners suspected that public transportation would concenter more users if it was more than attractive. And that reasonable supposition turned out to exist correct.
The efficient buses that zip across the Curitiba metropolitan region are the virtually conspicuously united nations-Brazilian feature of the city. Instead of descending into subway stations, Curitibanos file into ribbed glass tubes that are boarding platforms for the rapid-transit buses. (The glass tubes resemble the "fosteritos" that Norman Foster later designed for the metro in Bilbao, Spain.) Curitiba has five express-bus avenues, with a sixth in development, to allow you to traverse the city with speedy dispatch. In the early 1970s, most cities investing in public transportation were building subways or light-rail networks. Curitiba lacked the resources and the time to install a train system. Lerner says that compared with the Curitiba double-decker network, a light rail system would have required twenty times the fiscal investment; a subway would have toll 100 times as much. "We tried to sympathise, what is a subway?" he recalls. "It has to have speed, comfort, reliability and good frequency. Merely why does it have to be underground? Hole-and-corner is very expensive. With defended lanes and not stopping on every corner, we could do it with buses." Because widening the avenues would have required a lengthy and costly expropriation process, the planners came up with a "trinary" system that embraced three parallel thoroughfares: a large primal avenue defended to two-way rapid-bus traffic (flanked by slow lanes for cars making brusque local trips) and, a block over on each side, an avenue for fast one-way automobile traffic.
When the bus system was inaugurated, information technology transported 54,000 passengers daily. That number has ballooned to ii.3 1000000, in large function because of innovations that let passengers to board and leave rapidly. In 1992, Lerner and his team established the tubular boarding platforms with fare clerks and turnstiles, so that the mechanisms for paying and boarding are separated, equally in a subway. To behave more people at a time, the urban center introduced flexible-hinged articulated buses that open their doors broad for rapid entry and egress; then, when the buses couldn't cope with the demand, the Lerner team called for bi-articulated buses of 88 feet with 2 hinges (and a 270-passenger chapters), which Volvo manufactured at Curitiba'southward asking. Comparing the capacities of bus and subway systems, Lerner reels off numbers with a promoter'due south panache. "A normal bus in a normal street conducts x passengers a day," he told me. "With a dedicated lane, information technology can send 2x a twenty-four hours. If yous take an articulated bus in a defended lane, 2.7x passengers. If you add a boarding tube, you can achieve 3.4x passengers, and if you add double articulated buses, you can have 4 times as many passengers as a normal bus in a normal street." He says that with an arrival frequency of xxx seconds, you can transport 36,000 passengers every hour — which is about the same load he would take achieved with a subway.
Unfortunately, the trends of omnibus usage are down. While the system has expanded to cover 13 of the cities in the metropolitan region, charging a apartment fare that in practice subsidizes the trips of the more often than not poorer workers who alive in outlying areas, omnibus ridership within the Curitiba municipality has been declining. "We are losing coach passengers and gaining cars," says Luis Fragomeni, a Curitiba urban planner. He observes that, like potential users of public transport everywhere, many Curitibanos view it as noisy, crowded and unsafe. Undermining the thinking backside the master program, even those who alive alongside the loftier-density rapid-bus corridors are buying cars. "The licensing of cars in Curitiba is two.5 times higher than babies existence built-in in Curitiba," he says. "Trouble." Because cars are status symbols, attempts to discourage people from buying them are probably futile. "We say, 'Have your own car, but proceed information technology in the garage and apply it just on weekends,' " Fragomeni remarks. And the public-transport system must exist upgraded continuously to remain an appealing culling to private vehicles. "That contest is very difficult," says Paulo Schmidt, the president of URBS, the rapid-jitney organization. During peak hours, buses on the main routes are already arriving at near 30-2nd intervals; any more than buses, and they would support. While acknowledging his iconoclasm in questioning the sufficiency of Curitiba's trademark bus network, Schmidt nevertheless says a light-rails arrangement is needed to complement it.
When information technology comes to modifying human behavior, persuading urban dwellers to sort their garbage can be harder than coaxing them to garage their cars. Lerner and his allies have claimed that they have succeeded beyond the dreams of environmentalists in far more eco-friendly countries, including Japan and Sweden. Curitiba was a pioneer in separating recyclable materials, with its "Garbage That Is Not Garbage" programme, inaugurated in 1989. (The metropolis leaders have a flair for slogans.) Recycling has assumed a new urgency, because the entire metropolitan expanse contains merely one landfill, and it will exist wearied by the finish of next year. José Antonio Andreguetto, Curitiba's secretarial assistant for the surroundings, told me that 22 per centum of the city's garbage is being separated for recycling, a rate that has been declining over the last half-dozen years; he says he hopes to bring the number upwards to 34 per centum by the end of the current mayor's term in 2008. Lerner says the numbers have been eroding until recently because some recent mayors oasis't emphasized the issue, but he maintains that the recycling charge per unit in Curitiba is still the highest in the earth.
It is very difficult to determine how accurate the estimates are for garbage separation. "Curitiba began early to expect at recycling garbage — that is true, and it is good," says Teresa Urban, a local announcer and ecology activist. "But the separation of recycled garbage is a little part of all the garbage we take here. There is no tradition of participation here. The mayor sold to the people the idea that this is a wonderful metropolis. And the people think, This is wonderful, I don't have to practice annihilation."
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Similar other left-wing critics, Urban traces the lack of participation to an original sin. The progressive urban planning of Curitiba was non initiated past a democratic process; it was fix in move by the armed forces dictatorship that seized power in 1964 and ruled Brazil until the mid-'80s. Its environmentalism is rooted in authoritarianism. "They didn't accept to face the public through public participation, and the decisions could be fabricated by urban planners — architects acting as politicians," says Clara Irazábal, who has written a book comparing the urban planning experiences of Curitiba and Portland, Ore. The city that has been chosen the most forrard-looking in the Western Hemisphere is an outgrowth of an era that many Brazilians prefer not to look back on. Jaime Lerner, the archangel of the Curitiba green movement, was anointed past the dragons of war.
Always an anomaly, Curitiba became a model for our solar day by defying the spirit of the time. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, urban developers throughout the world, influenced past Le Corbusier and his followers, were remodeling cities to facilitate the piece of cake apportionment of people in automobiles. But in Curitiba, an informal group of young architects, urban planners and civil engineers at the city's Federal University of Paraná, which is the oldest university in Brazil, objected more than effectively to the mayor's widening of streets and a proposed highway bypass that threatened the historic urban center heart. Every bit luck would have it, one of these outraged civil engineers, Fanchette Rischbieter, was married to the chairman of the government-controlled investment company that was financing the construction of roads in Paraná, the largely agricultural state of which Curitiba is the capital. "I said, 'Information technology doesn't make sense, my wife and her friends are against these people — why don't nosotros make a programme?' " Karlos Rischbieter recalls. Selected by the city, Jorge Wilheim came up with a master program that concentrated high-density structure along ii long rapid-transit axes that skirted the middle. At least as important as his transportation and zoning recommendations was Wilheim'south request for an urban-planning institute to implement them. In retrospect, the enthusiastic and talented staff of the Institute of Urban Research and Planning of Curitiba, which is known by its Portuguese acronym, Ippuc, ensured the success of Curitiba'southward redevelopment.
Yet, in that location was a lag of v years from the formal adoption of the principal plan in 1966 until its implementation, which began with the governor's selection of Lerner, who was president of Ippuc, to be mayor in 1971. Wilheim the planner needed Lerner the doer to turn abstruse ideas into inventive reality. Curitiba has been studied more than copied (one notable exception is a Curitiba-style bus system in Bogotá, Colombia) because dissimilar Lerner, well-nigh mayors stumble over political obstacles. "I always tell a story of the '80s," Rischbieter says. "A friend from São Paulo came with his wife and son to visit Curitiba. He did not know this metropolis. I took my car and showed him Curitiba for three hours. When I left him at the hotel, he said, 'What did you bear witness people before Jaime Lerner?' "
A spark plug of ideas, Lerner, the son of Jewish immigrants from Poland, combines salesmanship and pragmatism. Following his mayoral terms, he won election twice as governor of Paraná Country, retiring in 2002 at the age of 65 to devote himself to his architecture firm and to worldwide speaking engagements espousing dark-green urban planning. He has a big head that seems to rest directly on wide shoulders; knowing his passion for recycling, yous might almost believe that his thick-fix body has been through a compactor. He radiates a highly compressed and infectious free energy, with a tin can-do assertiveness that borders on arrogance. "He never asked if something was expert or non," Rischbieter remarks. "He would say, 'I'll go do information technology.' I would say, 'Y'all accept to go inquire people and go their opinions.' He would say, 'No, they won't agree with me, and it has to be done.' He is non a political animal, he is a dictator." Rischbieter admires Lerner; others, however, using the same descriptive terminology, practice not. In the crude-and-tumble of Brazilian politics, it has become customary for supporters of populist parties to disparage Lerner (who personifies his talented team to allies and foes alike) as a animate being of the dictatorship. Co-ordinate to this argument, the generals detested politicians; they admired technical experts. In Curitiba, they found a showplace to display their accomplishments to the world. "The military are addicted to planning," says Fragomeni, who has an clashing attitude toward Lerner. "If they don't plan, they don't go forward. They invested in Curitiba. Mr. Lerner may like it or non. His continuity was ensured by the armed forces authorities." For his part, Lerner says that he had a far harder fourth dimension with the military dictatorship than he did subsequently, as an elected official. Under the war machine regime, he served at the pleasure of the governor and the state assembly. "I could be fired the adjacent day," he says. "Being an elected mayor, I was stronger. Nobody could burn me."
In two terms (1971-75 and 1979-83) under the war machine authorities, and so in an elected 3rd term (1989-92) after the restoration of democracy, Lerner translated the master plan into concrete and leafy reality. Like an impatient muralist, he worked on a wide scope at loftier speed. "I know cities that constitute ten,000 trees, and they make a whole festival," he told me. "We planted a one thousand thousand trees. I am obsessed with scale." He sought to make a livable urban center; over fourth dimension that segued smoothly into an ecological city. Parks initially intended as recreational areas would as well absorb floodwaters and extract carbon dioxide from the temper. Lerner used tax breaks to wheedle landowners into turning over portions of their holding, which typically had little value at the time. In the rocky northern commune, he converted one flooded quarry into the Wire Opera Firm, which has become a urban center icon, and another into the Gratuitous University of the Environment, a not-degree-granting institution that educates people on ecological issues. He transformed state that was serving as a refuse dump into a botanical garden; named for Fanchette Rischbieter, who died in 1989, information technology features a duck swimming, French parterres and a classic Victorian greenhouse. The architecture in all three of these parks is less noteworthy for its formal design than for its building materials — salvaged phone poles, mesh grating, metal tubing — and the speed of construction. From blueprint drafts to opening nighttime, the Wire Opera Business firm took about ii months to complete. Lerner refers to such projects as "urban acupuncture" that energizes the evolution procedure.
When I would ask people if they idea Lerner could have accomplished his reforms nether a democracy, people sympathetic to both Lerner and the military machine (similar Rischbieter) or disquisitional of both (like Urban) would say no; but most, professing admiration for Lerner but distaste for the war machine, said the dictatorship was not a precondition for his success. Lerner and Wilheim were emphatic on this betoken. "Not being a traditional politician helped me a lot," Lerner told me. Withal, by inbound public life, fifty-fifty a self-professed apolitical man becomes a political actor. What struck me was the fashion in which the return of commonwealth changed Lerner'due south core constituency. Nether the generals, he was vulnerable mainly to the business customs. That is why, for case, he had to implement the pedestrian mall so quickly: if the business concern class lost confidence in him, the land assembly would have insisted that he be replaced. In a autonomous Brazil, Lerner and his successors are threatened not but by the rich, but perhaps even more acutely by the poor — politically, by populist parties, and demographically, by the inexorable population growth. In politics, the pendulum has swung, as it always does. For the first fourth dimension in fifteen years, the winning candidate in Curitiba's last mayoral election, in 2004, was not directly associated with the Lerner Group, the business firm of 10 architects and planners that Lerner runs. Still, the new administration is standing on the path that Lerner blazed. More worrisome for Curitiba'south future is the demographic trend. Over the by half-century, the land of Paraná underwent a radical change, from a labor-intensive coffee economic system to a mechanized agriculture of soybeans. Hundreds of thousands lost their jobs. Many of the dispossessed have relocated to the Curitiba metropolitan region, which in Brazil is famously livable. Every day, more than go along coming.
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The "invasions" of homeless people onto unoccupied land spill like ink stains over the neatly outlined development maps of the urban planners, non only in Curitiba but across Brazil. Ane Sabbatum morning, I visited the neighborhood of Nossa Senhora da Luz, where a small-scale group of people waited with sacks or improvised carts of garbage. The hardscrabble customs dates from an early invasion of the 1970s. Today the streets are paved and the houses are solid cinder cake, only unlike downtown Curitiba, here information technology is immediately apparent from the bleak, scrubby streetscape and the night skins of the populace that you are in a tertiary-world setting. I was there to observe one of 79 exchange centers that the municipality of Curitiba has established in communities where the streets are as well narrow or also bumpy for large garbage trucks to circulate. Instead, people can acquit their trash to biweekly drove sites and trade four pounds of garbage for 1 pound of vegetables. Mostly they bring plastic, paper and cardboard. At some other site, run by the community quango, more than valuable aluminum cans are collected in render for coin, and at even so some other, organic material is traded for motorbus tokens. Compared with middle-class people, the residents of this neighborhood do not generate so much recyclable material; much of what they merchandise they prospect for around the city. Curitiba may be more successful in enlisting poor citizens to function as office-time carrinheiros than in enlightening better-off residents on their civic responsibilities.
The largest working-grade housing development within Curitiba is chosen Bairro Novo, or "new neighborhood." It was developed hurriedly, yous might say frantically, after a band of 3,000 people, at the start of a 3-twenty-four hour period holiday weekend in September 1992, invaded a nearby parcel of vacant land where a disused railroad line in one case operated. This was the same sort of stealth tactic that Lerner employed two decades earlier to pedestrianize the shopping street, merely now it was beingness used against him — coordinated, he maintains, by his political opponents, who controlled the governorship then as they practise now. Since the security forces are directed by the state of Paraná and not the city, there was no mode Lerner could stop the so-called Ferrovila (or railroad town) invasion. He says that he was especially infuriated because his administration had been researching the cosmos of a much larger development on the aforementioned state, housing ten times equally many people, as well as establishing schools and other social services. Instead, his team began planning the Bairro Novo on a parcel of land that was slated for development a decade or two after. There are lxxx,000 people living in Bairro Novo today. For a while, the illegal squats died off. "If you have a skillful alternative, y'all can prevent the invasions," Lerner says.
Recently, invasions have started up again. "There is a feeling that information technology may be politically motivated," says Fragomeni, the urban planner, who served until March as president of Ippuc. He reports that in Curitiba today, there are xiii,000 households in invasion settlements, 6,000 of them in ecologically fragile areas. Squatters frequently occupy country by rivers, both to obtain a h2o source and because, by constabulary, the riverbanks tin't be developed. "The land is forbidden, and information technology is free at the same time," says Urban, the environmental activist. Raw sewage from these settlements flows straight into the rivers. Fragomeni says that fewer than 70 percent of Curitiba households have sewer connections. The current administration, led by Mayor Beto Richa (who was endorsed by Lerner simply is not professionally associated with him), is trying to alleviate the problem with a new plan to make clean up the water basin of the sadly polluted Bariguà River: relocating people to housing that is a little farther from the river, replanting vegetation on the banks and linking houses to the sewage system.
The program to reclaim the Bariguà bowl was galvanized by the most recent invasion in February, when 1,500 people seized land well-nigh Ferrovila in Bariguà Park and hitting a sensitive nerve. Their encampment is provocatively close to Ecoville, a controversial upper-centre-class development that arose in the mid-'90s forth one of the rapid-bus corridors. As Lerner acidly observes of Ecoville, "I don't like this project, considering it is non 'eco' and it is not 'ville.' " Ecoville is a self-contained development in which tall buildings loom over patches of vegetation and looping roads. Information technology'south an unconvincing version of the discredited Corbusian model of "the city in the park," an idea that the developers cocky-consciously reference by naming one of these buildings "Le Corbusier." Many buildings have been labeled for works by Picasso — the Arlequin, the Pierrot, fifty-fifty the Guernica. One noteworthy Picasso-christened tower, the Suite Vollard, features xi full-floor residences, each of which is supposed to be able to rotate independently. The Suite Vollard is 10 years overdue for occupancy. Its engineering science is notwithstanding unproved.
Ferrovila and Ecoville: in close proximity, you can see the politicized landless and the profit-minded land developers who threaten Curitiba'southward status as an ecological metropolis. A reputation tin can exist as hard to uphold as to establish. Unlike his three immediate predecessors, Mayor Richa — a boyish, blow-dried 41-year-old ceremonious engineer from a prominent political family — is not an urban planner. And Ippuc, while still powerful, no longer directs the evidence. Richa has discontinued the longstanding mayoral custom, established past Lerner, of attending a weekly meeting at Ippuc. Nether Lerner and his successors, "the mayor sat in Ippuc, and you lot felt what he wanted," Fragomeni says. "It was a very verticalized authorities. Ippuc also planned the budget for the urban center. There's democracy at present, which is proficient. But it is no longer a pyramid; it'southward a network. The mayor now expects y'all to suggest what Curitiba should look like. He'southward not a town planner."
Nor is Curitiba a single town any longer. It'south a conurbation. Planning must be for the metropolitan region, not just for the municipality. Does it affair that Curitiba bans polluting industries if the neighboring town of Araucária has an oil refinery belching smoke on the urban center line? Similarly, if the new immigrants to the poor surrounding communities don't recycle, and then Curitiba's landfill, the only such facility in the metropolitan region, will fill up fifty-fifty sooner. Similar garbage, water does not respect urban center limits: Curitiba's water supply depends on reservoirs controlled by municipalities outside its borders. What was never simple has become even more complex. For a long fourth dimension, the citizens of Curitiba were so proud of the city'due south reputation as an urban showplace that they kept re-electing urban planners — self-styled technical experts who seemed to be above politics and who vaunted their expertise in running the buses, building the parks and recycling the garbage. But a mayor today must be able to negotiate successfully with other mayors if reform is to piece of work. Mayors need to be politicians, fifty-fifty in Curitiba.
Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/20/magazine/20Curitiba-t.html
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